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Saturday, October 30, 2010

Eliminating the Passive Pattern



Did you ever wonder what may be holding you back from job advancement? Passive communication patterns may be what's stalling your career.

Business Etiquette:
Jack was the expert. No one else in his department had the same grasp on financial issues as he did. Yet Jack was passed over a second time for a promotion. Finally, his manager told him that until he got rid of his wimpy handshake and nervous giggle, he was not going anywhere in the organization. He was stunned. He didn't even realize that he was doing those things.

Jack is a real person, one of the many management professionals with stalled-out careers who are in need of help to break out of what is known as the "passive pattern."
The passive pattern is defined as the failure to present oneself with strength and conviction. Instead of using more polite and powerful behavior, people with the passive pattern use self-defeating communication mannerisms - like the wimpy handshake and the nervous giggle - often without knowing it.

Of course, no one is perfect. We can all have a communication habit that works against us in some small way. The difficulty is when they start adding up, when you have two or more of these behaviors. That's a pattern. It's passive. You look unprofessional.
How do you know if you suffer from the passive pattern? If you do good work but aren't getting promoted, that can be a sign. There are other signs as well - your suggestions don't get taken, your proposals aren't accepted, your ideas go ignored, conflicts aren't resolved, or your orders are not followed.

If this describes the state of your career, tune into your verbal and nonverbal communication habits and look for mistakes.

Eight Areas of Communication to Target In addition to the wimpy handshake and the nervous giggle, here are eight more of the most common mistakes that can add up to a career problem for managers:

1. Using qualifying words.
These are extra words that are added to sentences that can make even the smartest person sound tentative and unsure. Qualifying words include "kinda," "sorta," "maybe," and "perhaps." "I was kinda, in a way, somewhat sure the materials would arrive on time." Well, were you or weren't you? Remember, if you sound confident, more people are likely to see you as confident. If you discount yourself, it's easy for others to also discount you.
2. Using "I think" when you know.
If you are asked, "What time is the meeting on Monday?" do you answer, "I think the meeting is at 3 p.m." or "The meeting is at 3 p.m."? If you are unsure of the time, you can use "I think." But don't say "I think" when you know. You want to be viewed as a credible source.
3. Speaking too softly.
If your volume is low, it becomes easy not to hear you. You can then become invisible and easy to ignore. Many people have no idea that they speak as softly as they do. A suggestion you could use to detect this pattern would be to tape yourself at various distances from a recorder and then listen to hear if your volume carries.
4. Playing with hands.
It's hard to be taken seriously when you are wringing your hands or twisting paper clips. Clicking pens, twisting rubber bands, twirling mustaches, and fidgeting with glasses are examples of mannerisms that can become distractions that may take away from what is being said by the speaker.
5. Using "I don't know" as extra words.
This is not saying "I don't know" because you truly don't know something. This is using "I don't know" as a way to discount what you have just said: "I suggest we implement the original plan. It's affordable, I don't know… "
6. Standing passively.
Business professionals who stand with their legs crossed, slouch, or fold their arms over their chests don't look open, confident, and professional. They look like they would rather be anywhere else than where they are. Stand assertively. Keep your legs parallel with your shoulders, about three to four inches apart. This does not mean you must stand rigid. Keep your shoulders back, but not way back, and keep your chin straight. Unless you're gesturing, your hands can be at your side.
7. Avoiding eye contact.
In some cultures, too much eye contact is a faux pas, but in the United States, you need to look people in the eye when speaking with them. You may occasionally look away. But if you mostly look away, you can appear nervous or insincere. If a supplier is not looking at you when discussing delivery arrangements, you will have a tendency not to believe that person.
8. Overusing "I'm sorry."
This is apologizing for no reason. One woman says, "It's raining today, I'm sorry," as if it is her fault. One manager says to her customer, "I am sorry to bother you today." Again, if you discount yourself, it's easy for others to also discount you.

Suggested Solutions:
Get feedback every year to discover if you are doing any of the "passive pattern" items. The first step in eliminating any of them is to discover which ones you do. Means of correcting communication mistakes include:

1. Take a good presentation skills class that videotapes you. You need to see and hear what you are doing.
2. Listen to voice mail messages before sending them. Rerecord your messages as necessary to catch qualifying words and other communication mistakes. Five out of the eight communication mistakes can be detected through this practice.
3. Work with a career coach.
4. Ask trusted and qualified friends and colleagues to monitor your communication skills.


Eliminating the Passive PatternBy Barbara Pachter, president of Pachter and Associates, Cherry Hill, New Jersey, and author of The Power of Positive Confrontation. November 2000, Purchasing Today®, page 8. 

Wednesday, October 27, 2010

Apravasi Ghat - Coolie Ghat, Mauritius

The Aapravasi Ghat historical site is an important symbol of Mauritian identity since the ancestors of more than 70% of present day Mauritian population arrived on the island through this immigrant depot. The depot's name was changed in 1987 from "Coolie Ghat" to "Aapravasi Ghat" which in hindi means the landing place of Immigrants.

In 1829, some Mauritian planters introduced 1100 Indian labourers to work on their sugar estates.
(a) The Genesis of Immigration
In 1829, some Mauritian planters introduced 1100 Indian labourers to work on their sugar estates but, in general, this labour experiment proved to be a major failure and, within a few months, the labourers were repatriated to India . However, between January 1830 and August 1834, there was a small trickle of Indian labourers who came to Mauritius . It was only during the second half of 1834 and after, that large-scale Indian immigration truly began in Mauritius . But, it is also important to mention that in February 1835, the British officially abolished slavery in Mauritius and after serving a four-year apprenticeship period, the island's more than 60,000 apprentices were freed in March 1839. During the second half of the 1830s and after, thousands of Mauritian apprentices left their former owners and settled in different parts of the island.
During this period, the local sugar planters began to import Indian labourers to supplement and eventually to replace the apprentice labourers to work in the island's sugar cane fields, in their homes, and in Port Louis . Between November 1834 and March 1839, over 25,000 Indian labourers were landed on Mauritian shores. But, immigration from the Indian subcontinent was suspended in May 1839 only to be renewed in January 1842, when it became controlled and sponsored by British colonial governments and a Protector of Immigrants also was appointed in Mauritius
(b) The Demographic Revolution
As early as July 1839, Thomas Hugon, a Franco-Mauritian, who would later become a Protector of Immigrants, mentioned in a report to the British government of India that in Mauritius major demographic changes were already taking place in the local colonial population. Between the mid-1830s and early 1860s, as Mauritius was experiencing a prolonged sugar revolution, a demographic revolution was also underway. In 1835, the Indians made up less than 4 % of the colony's total population and by 1860; they constituted more than 66% of the total population. During the course of the second half of the nineteenth century, as many historians have pointed out, the composition of the local population of the other British sugar-producing colonies was not altered in such a dramatic way and over such a short period of time as in Mauritius.
In all between 1834 and 1924, around 450,000 Indians were brought to Mauritian shores, with around 290,000 remaining and 160,000 returning mostly to India and some migrating to other British colonies such as Natal, Fiji, British Guyana, and Trinidad.
Therefore, Mauritius was unique among all the British colonies because it received the greatest number of Indian immigrants
(c) Provincial and District Origins of Indian Emigrants 1842- 1870  


Orissa
Bengal

Bihar

NW Provinces
Western
Central
Eastern
British Guyana
719
14 028
2 166
238
24 681
25 551
Mauritius
3 116
33 131
8 951
1 118
10 856
47 286
Trinidad
378
8 396
1 305
176
11 278
16 027
Jamaica
147
3 214
341
106
4 496
4 654
Natal
2
216
24
356
370
-
Reunion
19
1 667
1 667
29
4 027
4 469
Source: Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers, 1874 XLVII Report by J. Geohegan on Emigration from India, 71; in Mauritian History, V. Teelock; Mahatma Gandhi Institute, Moka; 2001.
(d) "The Great Morcellement Movement"   
During the 1840s and after, the old immigrants, or those who had served their five-year contracts and remained in Mauritius, had saved some money and began to settle outside the sugar estates. They either bought or squatted on small patches of land in the rural areas and some even married ex-slave women and others settled in Port Louis. Gradually, between the 1840s and 1860s, a small rural Indian peasantry was emerging as they acquired small patches of marginal lands and became small cultivators and raised domesticated animals. At the same time, others became small traders and hawkers.
It was only really between the 1870s and 1920s that a large and important class of rural Indian landowners began to emerge in Mauritius. During the last thirty years of the nineteenth century, with the stagnation and gradual decline of the sugar industry, many of the sugar barons sold their marginal lands which were located on the fringes of their sugar estates to thousands of old Indian immigrants and a few Indian merchants and traders in what became known, according to Richard B. Allen, an American historian, as the 'Great Morcellement Movement’.
By the early 1920s, the Indo-Mauritian owned around 40% of the island's valuable arable lands. As a result, most of them became small cultivators, many others became small-scale sugar growers, and a handful were large-scale sugar producers. This Great Morcellement Movement of the late 1800s gave rise to a large Indian bourgeoisie and peasantry by the early 1900s which was gradually becoming involved in the island's politics during the first half of the twentieth century.
The system of Indian indenture labour in Mauritius lasted between 1834 and 1924, with two major interruptions from 1839 to 1842 and between 1910 and 1923. The last batch of Indian labourers was brought in 1924. During the following year, in his report to the British government of India, Kunwar Maharaj Singh, after a brief visit to Mauritius in order to investigate the condition of the Indians labourers, strongly recommended that Indian immigration to Mauritius should not be renewed. As a result, his important recommendation was accepted and implemented by the British authorities in India.
(e) The Genesis of Immigration  
With the advent of British rule and the sugar revolution starting in 1825, a new chapter was about to begin in the history of our small island. According to the research of Ly-Tio Fane, in 1825, Adrien d'Epinay introduced some Indian labourers on his estate but this labour experiment did not work out successfully and they were returned to India. In 1829, another sugar planter tried to introduced Indian labourers but with very little success and the labourers were repatriated to India. However, between 1830 and 1833, there was still a small trickle of Indian labourers coming to Mauritius. It was only as from November 1834, that Indian immigration truly started in Mauritius. Between November 1834 and March 1839, over 25,000 Indian labourers were landed in the island. The immigration was suspended between March 1839 and until its renewal in 1842 when it became sponsored by the British colonial government and a Protector of Immigrants was provided.
As early as 1839, Thomas Hugon, who would later become Protector of Immigrants and write Sketches on Indian Immigration, had mentioned in a report to the British government of India that Mauritius was gradually turning into an Asiatic island and Indian colonization was already underway. Thus, in 1835, the British abolished slavery and after serving a four-year apprenticeship period, the island's more than 60,000 slaves were freed. During this period, the local sugar planters began to import Indian labourers to supplement and eventually replace apprentice labour to work in the island's sugar cane fields, in their homes, and in Port Louis. In all between 1834 and 1924, around 450,000 Indians were brought over to Mauritius with around 290,000 remaining and 160,000 returning mostly between 1839 and 1880. Most of the Indian labourers remained after 1880.
During this period, Mauritius was not only going through a prolonged sugar revolution but also a demographic revolution or explosion. In 1835, the Indians made up less than
4 % of the colony's total population and by 1860; they constituted more than 66% of the total population. By 1880, Indians made up even as much as 80% of the colony's total population. Thus, Mauritius was unique among the British colonies and any other European colony because none of them received so many Indian immigrants and their composition of their local population changed so dramatically.
As from the 1840s, the old immigrants or who has served their five-year contracts and remained in Mauritius, had saved some money and began to settle outside the sugar estates. They either bought or squatted on some land and some even married ex-slave women and other settled in Port Louis. Gradually, between the 1840s and 1860s, a small rural Indian peasantry was rising as they acquired small patches of marginal lands and became small cultivators and raised domesticated animals. Others became small merchants, traders, and hawkers. It was only really after the 1870s that a rural Indian bourgeoisie began to emerge in Mauritius. Between the 1870s and 1890s, with the stagnation and gradual decline of the sugar industry, many of the sugar barons sold their marginal lands on the fringes of their sugar estates to thousands of old Indian immigrants and a few Indian merchants in what became, according to Richard B. Allen, became known as the Great Morcellement Movement. By the early 1920s, the Indo-Mauritians owned 40% of the island's valuable arable lands. As a result, many became small-scale sugar growers and a handful became large scale sugar producers. This Great Morcellement Movement of the late 1800s gave rise to a large Indian bourgeoisie and peasant class by the early 1900s which was gradually becoming involved in the island's politics.
The system of Indian indenture labour lasted between 1834 and 1924. As early as the 1830s, it brought with it a repressive state apparatus with repressive laws and regulations which was brutally enforced by the colonial police. Even during the first period of Indian immigration, the sugar planters inflicted corporal punishment on the Indians, practiced the double cut system, withheld their pay, sold alcohol to them, deceived them, and prevented them from leaving the estates.
Between the 1840s and 1860s, the British colonial government of Mauritius passed laws which sanctioned the double cut system, restricted the freedom of movement of the Indian labourers, enacted a pass law, allowed for corporal punishment, and extended their labour contract. By the late 1860s, an extremely repressive system was set into place which was enforced by the colonial police. Therefore, it is not for nothing Hugh Tinker referred to it as a new system of slavery. 
In1869, Adolphe de Plevitz wrote a petition on behalf of the Indians and eventually it reached Governor Gordon. By the early 1870s, a Royal Commission of Inquiry was set up and it made some recommendations to alleviate the terrible plight of the Indian labourers. Gradually, over a long period, between the late 1870s and early 1920s, the repressive apparatus of the Indenture system was being dismantled. Restrictions on movement, the pass system, the double cut system, and long contracts were outlawed. The condition of the Indian labourers was steadily improving. In 1922, after an interruption of several years, Indian immigration began again. However, after the visit of Kunwar Maharajsingh and the submission of his report to the British government of India, the indenture system ceased in 1924.
 (f) Resistance of the Indian labourers  
Between the 1840s and 1860s, the British colonial government of Mauritius passed laws which sanctioned the double cut system (or a system under which a worker lost two days' pay for being absent from work for one day), restricted the freedom of movement of the Indian labourers, enacted a pass law, allowed for corporal punishment, and extended their labour contract. By the 1860s, an extremely repressive system was set into place which was enforced by the colonial police for the benefit of the sugar planters.
The height of this repression lasted between 1860 and 1880. Fortunately, the Indian labourers actively resisted by organizing strikes and filing complaints against their employers or the sugar estate owners. Between 1860 and 1885, the sugar estate labourers filed 110 940 complaints with the stipendiary magistrates and Protector of Immigrants against their employers or an average of 4437 per annum, with 72% of these complaints concerning non-payment of wages.
Most of the employers were found guilty by the stipendiary magistrates and forced to pay. But, it also became evident that the labourers needed an ally and when they looked for a defender and spokesperson for their valiant cause, they found one in Adolphe de Plevitz, a sugar planter from Nouvelle-Dacouverte.
Veer since the late 1860s, de Plevitz became concerned about the terrible plight of the Indian labourers. In 1870, he wrote a petition (also called the ‘de Plevitz Petition') on their behalf and it was signed by 9 401 Indian immigrants. Eventually, this historic petition was sent to Governor Gordon by de Plevitz himself. Between 1872 and 1873, a Royal Commission of Inquiry was appointed by the British imperial government in London and sent to Mauritius. For many months, it carried out a lengthy investigation into the working and living conditions as well as the grievances of the island's Indian labourers.
In 1875, in their voluminous report, the Commissioners made several recommendations to alleviate the terrible plight of the colony's labourers. Gradually, between the late 1870s and early 1920s, the repressive apparatus of the indenture system was being dismantled. However, during that same period, there were few improvements in the economic, social, and political conditions of the indentured labourers and their descendants in Mauritius. In 1922, a new Labour Law was enacted by the Council of Government which hardly brought any changes to the working and living conditions of Mauritian workers on the sugar estates.
 (g) Maharaj Kunwar Singh's Report  
From 1906 to 1910, only 1 736 labourers arrived in Mauritius from the Indian subcontinent. Furthermore, between 1923 and 1924, around 1395 labourers landed at the Aapravasi Ghat and in May 1924, the last batch of Indian immigrants set foot on Mauritian soil. By December 1924, more than half of these labourers were not satisfied with their working conditions and opted to return to India.
In January 1925, Kunwar Maharaj Singh, a high-ranking officer of the United Province Civil Service in India and a member of an aristocratic dynasty of Oudh, was dispatched by the British Government of India to Mauritius. Hugh Tinker, a British historian, eloquently observes: At last, an Indian official of standing had been deputed to examine the situation of overseas Indians. Maharaj Singh's objective was to investigate the economic and social conditions of the Indians in Mauritius and whether the colony really needed to import additional Indian labourers. On 27th February 1925, Maharaj Singh submitted his report to the British Government of India. He mentioned that Indian labourers had achieved a great deal economic integration in the colony and strongly recommended that Indian indenture should be terminated.
Singh concluded:Indentured labour made the immigrant forget his home and his people. He came to Mauritius to settle for life and often reindentured. He passed a life of great difficulty and he worked hard and the system of morcellement helped him to acquire land in proprietary tenure, in general Indians have bettered their conditions in Mauritius. The Indo-Mauritian agriculturalist is better clothed than his confrere in India and, though the houses are poor, the furniture in them showed a higher standard of living The further dispatch of unskilled labour from India to Mauritius is unnecessary and undesirable either in the immediate or in the near future.
Within a few weeks after Maharaj Kunwar Singh submitted his report, the British Government of India accepted his recommendation and no more Indian indentured labourers were sent to Mauritius .
(h) The indenture system abolished  
While active Indian immigration came to an end in 1924, it certainly did not mean that the indenture system was abolished and this process officially took place only between 1938 and 1939. In November 1938, the local British government replaced the Labour Law of 1922 with the Labour Ordinance of November 1938. This new labour law brought the protection, regulations for payment of wages as well as working hours and all matters concerning the Mauritian workers under the control of the Labour Department.
It became law in January 1939 and during November of the same year, through Ordinance No.47, the title of the Office of the Protector of Immigrants and Poor Law Commissioner was changed to that of Director of Labour. In effect, the Protector of Immigrants was officially replaced by the Director of Labour. Without doubt, these actions brought an end to a system which had existed for a century in British Mauritius.

Indenture System- Migration of Indians

Indian indenture system

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Indian indenture system started from the end of slavery in 1833 and continued until 1920, when thousands of Indians were transported to various colonies of European powers to provide labour for the (mainly sugar) plantations, under the indenture system.

The first indenture

On 18 January 1826, the Government of the French Indian Ocean island of Réunion, laid down terms for the introduction on Indian labourers to the colony. Each man was required to appear before a magistrate and declare that he was going voluntarily. The contract was for five years with pay of eight rupees per month and rations provided. By 1830, 3,012 Indian labourers had been transported from Pondicherry and Karikal. The first attempt at importing Indian labour into Mauritius, in 1829, ended in failure, but in 1834, with the end of slavery, transportation of Indian labour to the island gained pace and by 1838, 25,000 Indian labourers had been shipped to Mauritius.

Colonial British Indian Government regulations

Colonial British Indian Government Regulations of 1837 laid down specific conditions for the dispatch of Indian labour from Calcutta. The intending emigrant and the emigration agent were required to appear before an officer designated by the Colonial British Government of India with a written statement of the terms of the contract. The length of service was to be of five years, renewable for further five-year terms. The emigrant was to be returned at the end of service to the port of departure. The vessel taking the emigrants was required to conform to certain standards of space, diet etc. and carry a medical officer. In 1837 this scheme was extended to Madras and Bombay.

Ban on export of Indian labour

As soon as the new system of emigration of labour became known, a campaign, similar to the anti-slavery campaign sprang up in Britain and India. On 1 August 1838, a committee was appointed to inquire into the export of Indian labour and heard reports of abuses of the newly set up system and consequently on 29 May 1839, overseas manual labour was prohibited and any person effecting such emigration was liable to a 200 Rupee fine or three months jail. Even with prohibition, a few Indian labourers continued to be sent Mauritius via Pondicherry (a French enclave in South India).

Resumption of Indian labour transportation

The planters in Mauritius and the Caribbean worked hard to overturn the ban, while the anti-slavery committee worked just as hard to ensure that the ban remained. The Government of the East India Company finally capitulated under intense pressure from planters and their capitalist supporters and on 2 December 1842, the Indian Government permitted emigration from Calcutta, Bombay and Madras to Mauritius. Emigration Agents were appointed at each of the departure points and there were penalties for abuse of the system and return passage had to be provided at any time after five years when claimed. After the lifting of the ban, the first ship left Calcutta for Mauritius on 23 January 1843. The Protector of Immigrants in Mauritius reported that a ship arrived every few days with a human consignment and the large number of immigrants was causing a backlog in processing and he asked for help. During 1843, 30,218 men and 4,307 women indentured immigrants entered Mauritius. The first ship from Madras arrived in Mauritius on 21 April 1843.

Attempts to stamp out abuses of the system

The existing regulations failed to stamp out abuses of the system continued, including recruitment by false pretences and consequently, in 1843 the Government of Bengal, was forced to restrict emigration to Calcutta and only permitted departure after the signing of a certificate from the Agent and countersigned by the Protector. The frantic rate of migration to Mauritius to meet its labour shortages continued into the early months of 1844. The immigrants of 1844 (9,709 males and 1,840 females) were mainly the Hill Coolies (Dhangars) and the women were wives and daughters of the male migrants. The repatriation of Indians who had completed indenture remained a problem with a high death rate and investigations revealed that regulations for the return voyages were not being satisfactorily followed. With not enough recruits from Calcutta to satisfy the demands of Mauritius planters, permission was granted in 1847 to reopen emigration from Madras with the first ship leaving Madras for Mauritius in 1850.

Indian labour transportation to West Indies

After the end of slavery, the West Indian sugar colonies tried the use of emancipated slaves, families from Ireland, Germany and Malta and Portuguese from Madeira. All these efforts failed to satisfy the labour needs of the colonies due to high mortality of the new arrivals and their reluctance to continue working at the end of their indenture. On 16 November 1844, the Indian Government legalised emigration to Jamaica, Trinidad and Demerara (Guyana). The first ship, The Whitby, sailed from Port Calcutta for British Guiana on 13 January 1838, and arrived in Berbice on 5 May 1838. Transportation to the West Indies stopped in 1848 due to problems in the sugar industry and resumed in Demerara and Trinidad in 1851 and Jamaica in 1860.

Persuading labourers to prolong their indenture

Renouncing claim to free passage

The planters were consistently pressing for longer indentures and in an effort to persuade labourers to stay on, the Mauritius Government, in 1847, offered a gratuity of £2 to each labourer who decided to remain in Mauritius and renounce his claim to a free passage. The Mauritius Government also wanted to discontinue the return passage and finally on 3 August 1852, the Government of India agreed to change the conditions whereby if a passage was not claimed within six months of entitlement, it would be forfeited, but with safeguards for the sick and poor. A further change in 1852 stipulated that labourers could return after five years (contributing $35 towards the return passage) but would qualify for a free return passage after 10 years. This had a negative effect on recruitment as few wanted to sign up for 10 years and a sum of $35 was prohibitive and the change was discontinued after 1858.

Increasing proportion of women

It was also considered that if the labourers had a family life in the colonies they would be more likely to stay on. The proportion of women in early migration to Mauritius was small and the first effort to correct this imbalance was when, on 18 March 1856, the Secretary for the Colonies sent a dispatch to the Governor of Demerara that stated that for the season 1856-7 women must form 25 percent of the total and the following years males must not exceed three times the number of females dispatched. It was more difficult to induce women from North India to go overseas than South India but the Colonial Office persisted and on 30 July 1868 instructions were issued that the proportion of 40 women to 100 men should be adhered to and remained in practice of the rest of the indenture period.

Land grants

Trinidad followed a different trend where the Government offered the labourers a stake in the colony by providing real inducements to settle when their indentures had expired. From 1851 £10 was paid to all those who forfeited their return passages. This was replaced by a land grant and in 1873 further incentives were provided in the form of 5 acres (20,000 m2) of land plus £5 cash. Furthermore, Trinidad adopted an ordinance in 1870 by which new immigrants were not allotted to plantations where the death rate exceeded 7 percent.

Recruitment for the French Colonies

Recruitment to the French sugar colonies continued via the French ports in India without knowledge of the British authorities and by 1856 the number of labourers in Réunion is estimated to have reached 37,694. It was not until 25 July 1860 that France was officially permitted by the British authorities to recruit labour for Reunion at a rate of 6,000 annually. This was extended on 1 July 1861 with permission to import ‘free’ labourers into the French colonies of Martinique, Guadeloupe and French Guinea (Cayenne). Indenture was for a period of five years (longer than British colonies at the time), return passage was provided at the end of indenture. (Not after ten as in British colonies) and Governor-General was empowered to suspend emigration to any French colony if any abuse was detected in the system.

Transportation to other Colonies

Following introduction of labour laws acceptable to the Government of India, transportation was extended to the smaller British Caribbean islands; Grenada in 1856, St Lucia in 1858 and St Kitts and St Vincent in 1860. Emigration to Natal was approved on 7 August 1860 and the first ship from Madras arrived in Durban on 16 November 1860. The recruits were employed on three-year contracts. The British Government permitted transportation to Danish colonies in 1862. There was a high mortality rate in the one ship load sent to St Croix and following adverse reports, from the British Consul on the treatment of indentured labourers, further emigration was stopped. The survivors returned to India in 1868 leaving about 80 Indians behind. Permission was granted for emigration to Queensland in 1864 but no Indians were transported to this Australian colony under the indenture system.

Streamlining the Colonial British Indian indentured labour system

There were a lot of discrepancies between systems used for indentured Colonial British Indian labour to various colonies. Colonial British Government regulations of 1864 made general provisions for recruitment of Indian labour in an attempt to minimise abuse of the system. These included the appearance of the recruit before a magistrate in the district of recruitment and not the port of embarkation, licensing of recruiters and penalties to recruiters for not observing rules for recruitment, legally defined rules for the Protector of Emigrants, rules for the depots, payment for agents to be by salary and not commission, the treatment of emigrants on board ships and the proportion of females to males were set uniformly to 25 females to 100 males. Despite this the sugar colonies were able to devise labour laws that were disadvantageous to the immigrants. For example, in Demerara an ordinance in 1864 made it a crime for a labourer to be absent from work, misbehaving or not completing five tasks each week. New labour laws in Mauritius in 1867 made it impossible for time-expired labourers to shake free of the estate economy. They were required to carry passes, which showed their occupation and district and anyone found outside his district was liable to arrest and dispatched Immigration Depot. If he was found to be without employment he was deemed a vagrant.

Transportation to Surinam

Transportation of Indian labour to Surinam began under an agreement that has been declared as Imperial. In return for Dutch rights to recruit Indian labour, the Dutch transferred some old forts (remnants of slave trade) in West Africa to the British and also bargained for an end to British claims in Sumatra. Labourers were signed up for five years and were provided with a return passage at the end of this term, but were to be subject to Dutch law. The first ship carrying Indian indentured labourers arrived in Surinam in June 1873 followed by six more ships during the same year.

Colonial British Indian labour transportation until 1870

Between 1842 and 1870 a total of 525,482 Indians emigrated to the British and French Colonies. Of these, 351,401 went to Mauritius, 76,691 went to Demerara, 42,519 went to Trinidad, 15,169 went to Jamaica, 6,448 went to Natal, 15,005 went to Réunion and 16,341 went to the other French colonies. This figure does not include the 30,000 who went to Mauritius earlier, labourers who went to Ceylon or Malaya and illegal recruitment to the French colonies. Thus by 1870 the indenture system, transporting Indian labour to the colonies, was an established system of providing labour for European colonial plantations and when, in 1879, Fiji became a recipient of Indian labour it was this same system with a few minor modifications.

The Indenture Agreement

The following is the indenture agreement of 1912:
  1. Period of Service-Five Years from the Date of Arrival in the Colony.
  2. Nature of labour-Work in connection with the Cultivation of the soil or the manufacture of the produce on any plantation.
  3. Number of days on which the Emigrant is required to labour in each Week-Everyday, excepting Sundays and authorized holidays.
  4. Number of hours in every day during which he is required to labour without extra remuneration-Nine hours on each of five consecutive days in every week commencing with the Monday of each week, and five hours on the Saturday of each week.
  5. Monthly or Daily Wages and Task-Work Rates-When employed at time-work every adult male Emigrant above the age of fifteen years will be paid not less than one shilling, which is at present equivalent to twelve annas and every adult female Emigrant above that age not less than nine pence, which is at present equivalent to nine annas, for every working day of nine hours; children below that age will receive wages proportionate to the amount of work done.
  6. When employed at task or ticca-work every adult male Emigrant above the age of fifteen years will be paid not less than one shilling, and every adult female Emigrant above that age not less than nine pence for every task which shall be performed.
  7. The law is that a man’s task shall be as much as ordinary able-bodied adult male Emigrant can do in six hours’ steady work, and that a woman’s task shall be three-fourths of a man’s task. An employer is not bound to allot, nor is an Emigrant bound to perform more than one task in each day, but by mutual agreement such extra work may be allotted, performed and paid for.
  8. Wages are paid weekly on the Saturday of each week.
  9. Conditions as to return passage-Emigrants may return to India at their own expense after completing five years’ industrial residence in the Colony.
  10. After ten years’ continuous residence every Emigrant who was above the age of twelve on introduction to the Colony and who during that period has completed an industrial residence of five years, shall be entitled to a free-return passage if he claims it within two years after the completion of the ten years’ continuous residence. If the Emigrant was under twelve years of age when he was introduced into the colony, he will be entitled to a free return passage if he claims it before he reaches 24 years of age and fulfills the other conditions as to residence. A child of an Emigrant born within the colony will be entitled to a free return passage until he reaches the age of twelve, and must be accompanied on the voyage by his parents or guardian.
  11. Other Conditions-Emigrants will receive rations from their employers during the first six months after their arrival on the plantation according to the scale prescribed by the government of Fiji at a daily cost of four pence, which is at present equivalent to four annas, for each person of twelve years of age and upwards.
  12. Every child between five and twelve years of age will receive approximately half rations free of cost, and every child, five years of age and under, nine chattacks of milk daily free of cost, during the first year after their arrival.
  13. Suitable dwelling will be assigned to Emigrants under indenture free of rent and will be kept in good repair by the employers. When Emigrants under indenture are ill they will be provided with Hospital accommodation, Medical attendance, Medicines, Medical comforts and Food free of charge.
  14. An Emigrant who has a wife still living is not allowed to marry another wife in the Colony unless his marriage with his first wife shall have been legally dissolved; but if he is married to more than one wife in his country he can take them all with him to the Colony and they will then be legally registered and acknowledged as his wives.

Colonial British Indian indentured labour transportation by country


Indian indentured labour importing colonies
Name of Colony
Number of Labourers Transported
Mauritius
453,063
British Guiana
238,909
Trinidad
143,939
Jamaica
36,412
Grenada
3,200
St Lucia
4,350
Natal
152,184
St Kitts
337
St Vincent
2,472
Reunion
26,507
Surinam
34,304
Fiji
60,965
East Africa
32,000
Seychelles
6,315
Total
1,194,957

References

  • H. Tinker, A New System of Slavery: The Export of Indian Labour Overseas 1820-1920, Oxford University Press, London, 1974
  • B.V. Lal, Girmitiyas: The Origins of the Fiji Indians, Fiji Institute of Applied Studies, Lautoka, Fiji, 2004
  • Khal Torabully (with Marina Carter), Coolitude : An Anthology of the Indian Labour Diaspora, Anthem Press 2002) ISBN 1843310031